Well, good morning. It is great to be in
Singapore.
And Bastian, thank you very much for your warm welcome. The Shangri-La Dialogue
is an important forum for bringing together defense leaders from across the
Indo-Pacific and the world. And I want to thank IISS for hosting us this
morning.
As was mentioned, I'm certainly proud to be back into the Indo-Pacific for the
second time as the Secretary of Defense. And I'm going to keep coming back, and
back, and back again. You're stuck with me.
But it's not just me. America is proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific -- and
we're here to stay. The United States is an Indo-Pacific nation. We have been
since the earliest days of our Republic. We will continue to be an Indo-Pacific
nation -- with Indo-Pacific interests -- for generations to come.
And under President Trump's leadership, the United States is committed to
achieving peace through strength. That starts with deterring aggression around
the world and here in the Indo-Pacific, here in our priority theater, here with
you -- our allies and our partners. The United States stands ready to work with
any country that is willing to step up and preserve the global and regional
peace that we all hold dear.
Your presence here today sends a strong message about our shared purpose, our
shared commitment to peace, our shared dedication to a free and open
Indo-Pacific.
So, this morning, I'd like to share the U.S. Defense Department's vision for the
Indo-Pacific.
You see, my job is to create and maintain decision space for President Trump,
not to purport to make decisions on his behalf. And in doing that I'm joined
today by two great military leaders from the United States military.
Our Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Dan "Raisin" Cane, is here with me, a great
partner, who understand how to take a global look, globally integrate American
interests and American power, regionally and internationally.
And of course we're joined by our Indo-Pacific Commander, Admiral Sam Paparo,
America's fighting general in the Pacific. Admiral, thanks for being here.
It is our job, the three of us and the entire Defense Department, to keep our
military strong and create options.
President Trump was elected to apply America first on the world stage. You know,
getting a chance to watch him first hand in the Oval Office and around the
world, the world is incredibly fortunate to have an American president with the
combination of being a peace seeker and a strong leader. President Trump has the
unique ability to make possible things that seem impossible, moving the Overton
window. He is the ultimate deal maker.
And to that end from day one, President Trump gave me a clear mission at the
Defense Department: achieve peace through strength. To accomplish this mission,
our overriding objectives have been equally clear: restore the warrior ethos,
rebuild our military, and reestablish deterrence.
And it starts with the warrior ethos. All of us in this profession of arms
understand that humans are far more important than hardware.
So, we're focused on lethality, meritocracy, accountability, standards,
readiness, and warfighting. We respect human nature, hard training, and the
lessons of history. Our combat formations will be trained and skilled. Our
standards will be high and unwavering. If you can do the job, you'll be in our
formation. If you can't, you are not. Color blind. Gender neutral. Merit-based.
It's as simple as that.
That is restoring the warrior ethos, and our troops, in America, are responding
to it. Morale, recruiting, retention, readiness, training, capabilities, all
rapidly increasing thanks to President Trump's back-to-basics approach.
Our second priority is rebuilding the military. We're equipping American
warfighters with the most advanced capabilities so that we remain the strongest
and most lethal fighting force in the world.
President Trump is spending -- for the first time ever -- over $1 trillion next
year to do this. A 13 percent increase in American defense spending. The Golden
Dome for America, our new sixth generation fighter -- the F-47, our new stealth
bomber --the B-21, new submarines, destroyers, hypersonics, drones, you name it.
It's all part of it. The best military equipment in the world.
We're reviving our defense industrial base and investing in our shipyards. We're
rapidly fielding emerging technologies that will help us remain the world leader
for generations to come. We are stronger -- yet more agile -- than ever before.
When our opponents know that our military is armed with the most capable weapons
systems, wielded by skilled warriors with the will to prevail, they are less
likely to challenge us on the battlefield -- which is the point.
This leads to the third objective which is reestablishing deterrence. Across
four years of deferred maintenance under the Biden administration, the world
saw, unfortunately, a feckless and weak America. An invasion of 21 million
illegals on our southern border, Russian aggression in Ukraine after what had
happened under the previous Democratic administration in 2014 in Crimea.
Islamist terror on October 7th in Israel. A humiliating and deadly retreat in
Afghanistan. An enriched and emboldened Iran. A Chinese spy balloon flying over
our country. And a Secretary of Defense that was AWOL for a week. That ends now.
Not anymore.
We are re-establishing deterrence around the world, but credible deterrence
starts at home, like our historic Golden Dome for America. And it starts at our
borders. Border security for us, and for all of you, is national security. So we
have surged troops to our Southern border and we'll have 100% operational
control of there soon enough. We spent two decades patrolling other borders.
It's time to prioritize the defense of our own.
We're also increasing security in the Western Hemisphere and taking back the
Panama Canal from malign Chinese influence. It is key terrain, after all. China
did not build that canal. We did. And we will not allow China to weaponize it or
control it. Deterrence starts in our own backyard.
But beyond our borders, and beyond our neighborhood, we are reorienting toward
deterring aggression by Communist China. We'll talk a little bit more about that
in a minute.
But elsewhere -- and around the world -- we are engaging with, enabling, and
empowering our allies. Sometimes with tough love, but love nonetheless. We're
pushing our allies in Europe to own more of their own security -- to invest in
their defense, things that are long overdue.
We still believe that the "N" in NATO stands for North Atlantic and that our
European allies should maximize their comparative advantage on the continent.
And thanks to President Trump, they are stepping up. An alliance cannot be
ironclad if in reality or perception it is seen as one-sided.
That is changing and that is very important. And as our allies share the burden,
we can increase our focus on the Indo-Pacific, our priority theater.
You see, here in the Indo-Pacific, our futures are bound together. The
prosperity and security of the American people are linked to those of your
people. We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security.
And we are here to stay.
And as a matter of fact, we are here this morning, and somebody else isn't.
But for a generation, the United States ignored this region. We became
distracted by open-ended wars, regime change, and nation building. I had a front
row seat as a soldier in Iraq and Afghanistan. These costly diversions lacked
clearly defined goals and were not tied to vital and core American interests.
President Trump is changing that. We are not making the same mistakes. Not this
generation and not now. We are done with that approach. We're focused on
delivering for the American people, on safeguarding their security, on
protecting their economic interests, and on using common sense to preserve peace
in the Indo-Pacific.
You know, standing here in Singapore, I think this approach aligns quite well
with the pragmatic style of Singapore's legendary Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew.
Across three decades, he built this country into one of the world's most
important hubs of finance and innovation.
Like the late-Prime Minister, President Trump's approach is grounded in common
sense and national interests, built on a willingness to work with others while
respecting mutual self-interest, and informed by an understanding of military
strength but shaped by a preference for engaging on the basis of commerce and
sovereignty -- not war.
These two historic men share a willingness to challenge old ways of doing things
that no longer make sense. We refuse to accept any paradigm that makes conflict
inevitable.
As President Trump said in Riyadh, in an historic speech in Saudi Arabia,
America does not have or seek permanent enemies. Under President Trump's
leadership, we are applying this common sense approach to defense here in the
Indo-Pacific and throughout the world.
And we believe the results speak for themselves. President Trump is leading
European allies to step up in their own defense, as I mentioned. He is striking
new, fairer trade deals that protect Americans while providing a lasting and
secure basis for commerce. Not to mention resilient, anti-fragile, and reliable
supply chains for our and your defense needs. He's also rebalancing security and
defense arrangements with key allies in the region.
This enables all of us to benefit from the peace and stability that comes with a
lasting and strong American presence here in the Indo-Pacific. These benefits,
they only multiply when our allies and partners are also strong.
As President Trump also said in Riyadh, the United States is not interested in
the moralistic and preachy approach to foreign policy of the past.
We are not here to pressure other countries to embrace or adopt policies or
ideologies. We are not here to preach to you about climate change or cultural
issues. We're not here to impose our will on you. We're all sovereign nations.
We should be able to choose the future we want to build. We respect you, your
traditions, and your militaries. And we want to work with you where our shared
interests align for peace and prosperity.
On this sure foundation of mutual interests and common sense, we will build and
strengthen our defense partnerships to preserve peace and increase prosperity.
But a threat gathers. As we all know, strength and security underpin peace and
enable prosperity. And our common sense approach to achieving security --
achieving peace through strength -- requires seeing things crystal clearly. It
requires confronting obvious truth about the threats we face in the
Indo-Pacific. And requires meeting those threats with a very real sense of
urgency.
So, before we get to those hard truths, and to make sure for our friends in the
press our words are not misconstrued as they so often are, let me begin by
saying, we do not seek conflict with Communist China. We will not instigate nor
seek to subjugate or humiliate. President Trump and the American people have an
immense respect for the Chinese people and their civilization. But we will not
be pushed out of this critical region. And we will not let our allies and
partners be subordinated and intimidated.
China seeks to become a hegemonic power in Asia. No doubt. It hopes to dominate
and control too many parts of this vibrant and vital region. Through its massive
military build-up and growing willingness to use military force to achieve its
goals, including grey zone tactics and hybrid warfare, China has demonstrated
that it wants to fundamentally alter the region's status quo.
We cannot look away, and we cannot ignore it. China's behavior towards its
neighbors and the world is a wake-up call. And an urgent one.
China uses its vast and sophisticated cyber capabilities to steal technology and
attack critical infrastructure-- in your countries and in the United States, as
well. These actions not only compromise our countries, but endanger the lives of
our citizens.
In the South China Sea, China harasses its neighbors – many of which are here in
the room today. China seeks to intimidate you in your own waters. We've all seen
the videos and pictures of water cannons, and ship-to-ship collisions, and
illegal boardings at sea. We're also seeing the illegal seizing and militarizing
of lands in the South China Sea.
These actions reveal a lack of respect for neighbors and they challenge
sovereignty, freedom of navigation, and overflight. We are watching very closely
China's destabilizing actions. And any unilateral attempt to change the status
quo in the South China Sea and the First Island Chain by force or coercion is
unacceptable.
Every day you see it. China's military harasses Taiwan. These activities have
been paired with China's rapid military modernization and buildup – including
huge investments in nuclear weapons, hypersonics, and amphibious assault
capabilities.
It has to be clear to all that Beijing is credibly preparing to potentially use
military force to alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. We know. It's
public that Xi has ordered his military to be capable of invading Taiwan by
2027. The PLA is building the military needed to do it. Training for it every
day. And rehearsing for the real deal. Admiral Paparo has spoken very clearly
about this on multiple occasions.
Again, to be clear: any attempt by Communist China to conquer Taiwan by force
would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world.
There's no reason to sugarcoat it. The threat China poses is real.
And it could be imminent. We hope not. But it certainly could be.
Facing these threats, we know that many countries are tempted by the idea of
seeking both economic cooperation with China and defense cooperation with the
United States. Now that is a geographic necessity for many. But beware the
leverage that the CCP seeks with that entanglement. Economic dependence on China
only deepens their malign influence and complicates our defense decision space
during times of tension.
Nobody knows what China will ultimately do, but they are preparing. And
therefore we must be ready as well.
Urgency and vigilance is our only option at the Department of Defense with our
allies, because the United States, especially under President Trump, does not
seek war. We do not seek to dominate or strangle China. To encircle or provoke.
We do not seek regime change, nor will we instigate or disrespect a proud and
historic culture. We will be ready, but we will not be reckless. Instead, we
seek peace. But we must ensure that China cannot dominate us -- or our allies
and partners. Maintaining the status quo requires strength. That's just a
rational, common sense goal that all should be able to live with.
President Trump has also said that Communist China will not invade Taiwan on his
watch. So, our goal is to prevent war, to make the costs too high, and peace the
only option. And we will do this with a strong shield of deterrence, forged
together with you – America's great allies and defense partners. Together, we
will show what it means to execute peace through strength. In many ways seen and
unseen. Overt and covert.
But if deterrence fails, and if called upon by my Commander in Chief, we are
prepared to do what the Department of Defense does best – fight and win --
decisively.
And as I've said many times before, and it's important for this room to hear
today, and all the world -- America First certainly does not mean America alone.
Especially alongside so many of our allies, model allies like Poland, Israel,
and the Gulf States, the Baltic States. And it does not mean ignoring the world.
As you have all seen President Trump is committed to a lasting and durable peace
in Ukraine. And with an unwavering commitment to ensure Iran never has nuclear
weapons. He seeks a strong and verifiable negotiated deal. The other option is
regional war, or worse.
As we shift our focus to this region, and as Europe steps up and takes greater
ownership for its own security, President Trump and I will be counting on you,
on this room – our allies and partners – to be force multipliers for peace
alongside the United States.
We ask -- and indeed, we insist -- that our allies and partners do their part on
defense. Sometimes, that means having uncomfortable and tough conversations.
Partners owe to it to each other to be honest and to be realistic. As many of
you have been with me in the past few days and I with you. This is the essence
of a pragmatic, common sense defense policy.
But you will also see that we are -- and will remain -- loyal to our allies and
partners. The military-to-military relationship between many of our countries
goes back decades, and in some cases, centuries. In fact, the only way to ensure
lasting alliances and partnerships is to make sure that each side does its part
and sees the benefit.
We will stand with you and work alongside you to deter Chinese aggression. Each
day, together, creating more and more dilemmas and complications should China
want to act. Should they decide to overturn the status quo. More dilemmas, more
complications, more questions, more concerns, more variables, more reasons to
say, "it's not worth it."
No one should doubt America's commitment to our Indo-Pacific allies and
partners. We will continue to wrap our arms around our friends and find new ways
to work together -- not only our treaty allies here, but also our key defense
partners in ASEAN and across the Indo-Pacific.
For example, look no further than to our growing defense relationship with
India, where we pass new milestones by the day--from shared ventures of our
defense industries to the increased operational coordination and
interoperability between our two militaries.
I urge all our allies and partners to seize this moment with us. Our defense
spending must reflect the dangers and threats that we face today. Because
deterrence doesn't come on the cheap, just ask the American taxpayer.
Time is of the essence. We must step up and move out with urgency.
And it's hard to believe, a little bit, after some trips to Europe that I'm
saying this this – but thanks to President Trump Asian allies should look to
countries in Europe as a new-found example. NATO members are pledging to spend
5% of their GDP on defense, even Germany. So it doesn't make sense for countries
in Europe to do that while key allies in Asia spend less on defense in the face
of an even more formidable threat, not to mention North Korea.
Ultimately, a strong, resolute, and capable network of allies and partners is
our key strategic advantage. China envies what we have together. And it sees
what we can collectively bring to bear on defense. But it's up to all of us to
ensure that we live up to that potential by investing. U.S. allies in the
Indo-Pacific can, and should, quickly upgrade their own defenses.
President Trump said it himself last month in Riyadh – and will never hesitate
to wield American power swiftly and decisively if necessary.
That is re-establishing deterrence.
So, we're doing this here in the Indo-Pacific in three distinct ways, and
forgive me as I go into a little bit of detail: First, by improving our forward
force posture, second, by helping allies and partners strengthen their defense
capabilities, and third by rebuilding defense industrial bases.
So first, the Department of Defense is prioritizing forward-postured, combat
credible forces in the Western Pacific to deter by denial along the first and
second island chains. In my first trip to the Indo-Pacific in March, I traveled
to the Philippines to meet with President Marcos and Secretary of National
Defense Teodoro. While there we announced our commitment to deploy more advanced
U.S. military capabilities to the Philippines.
We announced the inaugural overseas deployment of NMESIS, a U.S. Marine Corps
mobile anti-ship missile system, to the Philippines. The 3rd Marine Littoral
Regiment – one of the U.S. military's most capable and lethal formations –
exercised NMESIS along with our Philippine allies. Together we deployed the
system to the Batanes Islands on the Luzon Strait between the Philippines and
Taiwan. This enhanced our interoperability and improved our readiness on
cutting-edge platforms where we need them, and when we need them.
We also announced that U.S. Special Operations Forces and Philippine Marines are
training together on complex landing scenarios in the Batanes Islands. This
demonstrates that our forces can conduct high-end operations in the most
challenging of environments.
I also had a chance to visit Tokyo and meet with Prime Minister Ishiba and
Defense Minister Nakatani. We announced that we're upgrading U.S. Forces Japan
headquarters. This is about warfighting and deterrence – as well as common
sense. Upgrading USFJ demonstrates the significant work of the U.S.-Japan
Alliance as it evolves to emerging threats. It also reflects the progress the
Alliance has made towards improving interoperability and strengthening Japan's
capabilities.
And, this summer, the U.S. Army has plans to conduct its first live-fire test of
its Mid-Range Capability system in Australia. This will be the first time that
system is fired west of the International Date Line, the first time it's been
tested on foreign soil. Deployments like this represent a commitment to the
region, and there are many more planned.
On the home front, Golden Dome for America will protect the U.S. homeland
against a catastrophic missile attack by adversaries. It will strengthen missile
defenses for the U.S. homeland as we look for ways to improve regional missile
defenses right here in the Indo-Pacific.
We're also using regional integrated air and missile defense. And we're
deploying several key missile defense technologies and data-sharing partnerships
with Japan and Australia. Leveraging America's best-in-class technologies to
strengthen regional air and missile defense architectures.
Second, we're supporting allies and partners as they strengthen their own
defense capabilities and capacity. We want to empower you – as partners, not
dependents – to work more capably with the United States.
We're working to rapidly deliver the kinds of off-the-shelf, innovative,
autonomous systems for which the American defense industry is renowned. It's why
the Department partnered with U.S. industry to launch the Maritime Security
Consortium. This consortium will build and sustain maritime domain awareness to
deliver real operational effects by employing unmanned aircrafts and vessels.
These capabilities, delivered quickly and at a lower cost, give a cutting edge
advantage into the hands of our warfighters and of our defense partners in
Southeast Asia.
A critical part of working with our partners is increasing interoperability –
learning how to sail, fly, and fight as one. This year's BALIKATAN exercise in
the Philippines was the largest-ever. In the South China Sea, we continue to
conduct regular maritime activities alongside Australia, Japan, and the
Philippines. We're also expanding our security partnership with India through
robust military exercises like TIGER TRIUMPH. And we're also amplifying
cooperation within the Quad and other multilateral frameworks. Within the Quad
we are also leading an initiative called the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network,
enabling Quad partners to leverage shared logistics capabilities in the
Indo-Pacific. You know, they say, rookies talk strategy, pros talk logistics.
And we're grateful for the opportunity to train with all our allies in the
region in other exercises like TALISMAN SABRE with Australia and COBRA GOLD in
Thailand. These exercises enhance our lethality while improving our readiness to
respond at a moment's notice. And that was certainly put into practice last
March with the Thai military in response to the earthquake there.
Flying, and sailing, and operating together in peacetime ensures we are prepared
for the unexpected.
And third, we are revitalizing our defense industrial bases and reallocating
resources toward the most lethal and effective capabilities. We are doing this
because success of the warfighters requires it.
It's one thing for an adversary to see multinational forces operating together
in exercises. It's another thing entirely for that same country to see an
integrated defense industrial base supporting those forces and standing ready to
keep them in the fight.
That's why we're pleased to endorse the Partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial
Resilience, also known as PIPIR -- a U.S.-initiated multilateral forum of 14
allies and partners working with industry, capital providers, and key
non-governmental stakeholders, to strengthen industrial resilience, expand our
capacity, and accelerate deliveries.
So today, I'm proud to announce the first PIPIR projects.
The first project plans to establish repair capability and capacity for P-8
radar systems in Australia. It will also enable Indo-Pacific allies and partners
operating the aircraft, including New Zealand and the Republic of Korea, to
repair aircraft within the region rather than relying on single repair sources
in the continental United States.
The second is a project that will develop standards for small unmanned aerial
systems across the Indo-Pacific, identifying secure sources of production for
their critical components, and increasing global supply chain resilience for
these essential systems.
Similarly, we are working through our Regional Sustainment Framework to do
things like expand existing contracts for U.S Army Watercraft repair. The goal
of this initiative is to bring in more providers and expand existing repair
capability more broadly across the Indo-Pacific.
We'll also use our allies' world-class ship repair capabilities to enhance the
U.S. Navy's operational effectiveness to save taxpayers money.
These moves will strengthen regional resiliency by increasing access to repair
capabilities in theater and reducing dependency on far away supply chains.
We're deepening our cooperation with Australia's Guided Weapons and Explosive
Ordnance enterprise with historic momentum and purpose. This work secures our
technological edge and makes our munitions supply chains resilient.
In the last two months, we've reached an agreement for Australia to produce 155
millimeter ammunition and to assemble Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems, or
GMLRS. These steps enhance our readiness and facilitate upgrades to our
collective defense industrial base.
And we're working with India to co-produce equipment needed to deter aggression.
And this includes negotiating an agreement to bring our industrial bases ever
closer. Last month, we held our first-ever U.S.-India industry-government
experts exchange to produce and field state-of-the-art autonomous systems as
part of the U.S.-India Autonomous Systems Industry Alliance.
So, across the board, the United States, our allies, and our partners have made
great progress in these -- and many other -- areas towards achieving peace
through strength. But we have to move quickly and we have no time to waste.
So, as I conclude, it is with sage leadership, and strategic vision, and a sense
of urgency that Lee Kuan Yew turned Singapore into one of the world's great
success stories. Many call it the "Singapore Miracle." That's what common sense
policies can achieve. And that's precisely what President Trump's vision is all
about.
President Trump is a leader of peace, a man of peace, a force for peace. And
together, we will achieve that peace through strength. Reestablishing
deterrence. Sharing our burdens. Multiplying our strengths. Reinforcing our
great alliances. Respecting our cultures. Not starting wars, but preventing
them. And building a better future for our nations, for our mutual benefit.
During my last visit to the Indo-Pacific, I watched oil seep out from the
wreckage of USS ARIZONA at Pearl Harbor. I saw the rows of crosses marking the
graves of over 17,000 American soldiers at the Manila American Cemetery in the
Philippines. And I had the chance to walk the black sandy beaches of Iwo Jima.
In these hallowed places you can't help but immediately feel connected to the
past -- to the warriors who went before us. They gave their all for me, for men
and women they never knew, for freedom and for peace. So, as we mark 80 years
since the end of World War II, we owe it to today's warriors, to our citizens --
as we put our citizens first and you put your citizens first. We owe it to them,
to our children and our grandchildren, to preserve this peace.
The motto of my first platoon, first one I led, was: "Those who long for peace,
must prepare for war." And that's exactly what we're doing. We are preparing for
war in order to deter war -- to achieve peace through strength. And we look out
in this room and we look to you -- to our allies and to our partners -- to join
us in this important work.
Our time is now. The threats we face will not wait. And nor can we.
Thank you and Godspeed.
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