Thanks. I want to start by mentioning
announcement that Interim President Guaido made today about an agreement between
the International Federation of Red Cross and the Catholic Bishops Episcopal
Conference in Venezuela to try to get humanitarian aid into the country. The
initial announcement said this would be health-related aid that would be
provided to 650,000 Venezuelans.
As you know, Guaido has been calling for this for
weeks and weeks, and we in the United States made an effort to get aid in, most
of it at Cucuta, Colombia, and the regime prevented it. The Red Cross has said
that it will permit no interference with the distribution of the aid, which we
think is great because our problem with the Venezuelan regime in this area has
been that it does not distribute aid on the basis of need. Rather, it
politicizes the aid and gives it only to people who have a thing called ďel
carnet de la patriaĒ, which is to say theyíre supporters of the regime.
So we thought that that was not the way the
Venezuelan people were going to benefit. This looks like a real opportunity, and
we think it is a response to the efforts that Interim President Guaido has been
making. So itís very welcome. We hope it works. And assuming that it does, which
we do, the United States would be happy to get some of our aid into this method
of reaching the Venezuelan people, because thatís the purpose of what we were
doing in getting the aid nearer to Venezuela.
I think the international community is more
generally ready and anxious to do more to help the humanitarian situation in
Venezuela. You may have seen some news reports about a new UN report on the
internal humanitarian situation, which said, quote, ďPreventable diseases such
as tuberculosis, diphtheria, measles, and malaria have resurfaced in the country
and are on the rise, as is Hepatitis A due to the lack of access to safe
Now, obviously the humanitarian aid that addresses
the health situation isnít going to solve that question of clean water. That is
partly related to the blackouts. And I should just mention, as you know, the
blackouts have continued all over the country. The regimeís efforts to, in a
sense, to keep them out of Caracas have not been successful. They have had
partial blackouts there too. The electrical power system is simply in very bad
shape because of the years and years of lack of maintenance, lack of investment.
And I think the likelihood is that blackouts will continue.
This aid is not going to solve the problems that Venezuelans face. The kind of
aid that is needed for a broad recovery of the Venezuelan economy really cannot
be put in place until the regime is replaced by a democratic government, when I
think youíll see the international financial institutions and other donors
really move in to try to help the people of Venezuela.
I guess I would mention one other thing as a
start. Iíve been asked in the last day or so about the ruling by the regime that
Juan Guaido cannot participate in Venezuelan politics for 15 years. Thatís
consistent with the regimeís efforts to eliminate all democratic voices and all
opposition forces and voices in Venezuela. I donít imagine that Juan Guaido is
deeply worried because the Maduro regime, while it might be around in 15 days,
is not going to be around in 15 years. So itís ludicrous -- a ludicrous effort on
the part of the regime to keep Mr. Guaido quiet.
Question: Thanks for doing this. There have been reports in recent days
about oil refineries and the U.S. stance on that, that the U.S. is
telling -- is encouraging oil companies not to be doing business with
Venezuela. Could you just talk a little bit about the U.S. effort when
it comes to oil and when it comes to international companies, and the
message youíre sending them whether sanctions could be enforced for
international companies dealing with Venezuela?
Mr. Abrams: Well, we have our sanctions. And one of the main purposes is
to deny the regime money that it does not use for the Venezuelan people.
Some of it ends up in foreign banks and much of it is used simply to
keep the regime in power. So the first thing we did was we stopped
paying them. The largest source of cash had been the United States
buying about a half million barrels a day. We have had conversations
with foreign oil traders, with foreign governments, really along the
same lines -- that is, you should be supporting Interim President Guaido,
you should not be supporting this regime, you should not be buying oil
from this regime and giving them cash. And weíve noted that we have a
wide, broad net with our sanctions, and so weíve warned people, be
careful not to get caught in that net by activities that you may think
donít come into it but actually are caught by it.
So we -- and I think weíve had a fair amount of success, I would say, in
getting companies to reduce the amount theyíre buying, and in some
cases, end the purchase of oil from the regime. There were some grace
periods when we introduced the sanctions, which -- most of which are
coming to an end. But it is correct that we have attempted to prevent
the regime from I would say stealing the assets of the Venezuelan people
and making off with them by getting cash in exchange for oil and gold.
Mr. Palladino: Matt.
Question: Thanks. One
-- two brief ones. How is the search for a
protecting power going?
Mr. Abrams: Weíre very happy with the way itís going and I wish I had an
announcement. I donít, but --
Mr. Abrams: -- diplomatic efforts -- soon. The diplomatic
-- itís Friday.
But the diplomatic efforts are going well.
Question: Okay. And then secondly I wondered if you could extrapolate a
little bit from what National Security Advisor Monroe had to say this
morning: ďWe strongly caution actors external to the Western Hemisphere
against deploying military assets to Venezuela or elsewhere in the
hemisphere with the intent of establishing or expanding military
operations.Ē Clearly this is a reference to Russia, but does this mean
that youíre okay with Western Hemisphere countries getting involved
militarily, whether itís the Cubans or the Nicaraguans or yourself?
Mr. Abrams: We have made it clear what we think of the Cuban involvement
Question: Well, then why wasnít he more specific here? Why doesnít he
say, ďWe caution anyone who doesnít agree with us against deploying
military assets to Venezuela?Ē
Mr. Abrams: Well, this was our guess. Chronologically, itís a reaction to
what happened a few days ago with the arrival of the two Russian planes
and a certain number of Russian military people on the ground. Weíve
been very clear in our condemnation of the role the Cubans are playing.
That was not the subject of this particular week.
Question: And just as it relates to Russia, Secretary Pompeo had a call
with Foreign Minister Lavrov -- was it a day or two ago?
Mr. Abrams: No, it was longer.
Question: Two or three days ago?
Mr. Abrams: I think it was last weekend.
Mr. Palladino: Yeah.
Question: Oh, was it last weekend? Okay. Well, in it, according to the
U.S. readout, the Secretary gave -- delivered the same warnings, said the
Russians should disengage. The Russians say that Foreign Minister Lavrov
told -- accused, in the call, accused the United States of trying to
mount a coup in Venezuela. And itís probably not a surprise that you
would disagree with that, but Iím wondering why is that not -- why do you
disagree with it? Why is the Russian argument flawed?
Mr. Abrams: There is one democratic elected institution in Venezuela: the
National Assembly. Thatís it. What the United States is doing is
supporting the National Assembly and supporting the interim president,
and calling for a free election, because what happened last May was not
a free election. All the international observers agreed on that. So what
weíre calling for is a transition to democracy. Thatís not a coup. And I
mean, to get instructions on democracy from the Russian foreign minister
makes my day.
Question: And youíre still at 54?
Mr. Abrams: Yes, sir.
Question: Is it -- so the number is static, and you havenít had any
success in convincing anyone else to join your --
Mr. Abrams: Thatís right.
Question: All right, okay.
Question: I have a follow-up.
Mr. Palladino: Letís go to Fox.
Question: Okay, thanks very much. Also in the readout that
-- in that
conversation with the foreign minister and the Secretary, the U.S.
readout said that the United States will not stand idly by, referring
specifically to the Russian deployment to Venezuela. What tools are
available to the U.S. Government to ensure that the U.S. is not standing
Mr. Abrams: Well we have a list of options that weíve given the
Secretary, and I would say that there are a lot of things we can do,
certainly in the area of diplomacy, but there are things we can do in
economic terms, in terms of sanctions. I guess I shouldnít get into this
much, but --
Question: No, you should.
Mr. Abrams: Iíll get into it with the Secretary, but thatís a different
story. So I would just say that we have options and that I think itís --
would be a mistake for the Russians to think they have a free hand here.
Mr. Palladino: Letís go to CBS.
Question: Thank you. So with these Russian troops
-- we think thereís
about a hundred on the ground -- do you -- can you give us any guidance
what equipment they brought, what theyíre doing there, and if we have
any indication that we think Russia is planning to send more in the
coming days or weeks?
Mr. Abrams: On the question of sending more, I donít know. On the
question of what equipment there is, such information as we have is
through intelligence, so I canít discuss it.
As to what theyíre doing, one of the things they are doing seems to be
and weíve thought this from the very beginning -- helping the regime with
the S-300 ground-to-air missile system, which apparently got all screwed
up -- sorry to use technical terms -- by the blackout. So I donít know
what youíd call it, recalibration or resetting or -- in any event,
technical assistance. What else theyíre doing, weíre watching.
Mr. Palladino: Michelle.
Question: So how much of a threat do you see the Russian presence at
this point being to what the U.S.ís goals are?
Mr. Abrams: There are not a gigantic number of Cubans
-- there are several
thousand in the intelligence services -- but their presence is extremely
pernicious. The same thing is true, I would say, of the Russian
presence. Obviously, this was about a hundred people.
One thing we can say is that their presence will do absolutely nothing
beneficial to the people of Venezuela. It does nothing to address any of
the problems they face, political, social, or economic. It probably is a
kind of shot in the arm for the regime even though the numbers are not
huge, because weíve seen that the numbers of Cubans -- which are
admittedly a lot larger than the number of Russians -- have actually
provided real assistance to the regime to do things it could not
otherwise do or not do nearly as well. So it isnít a very large number
so far, but it -- the potential impact is considerable.
Mr. Palladino: Sir, I forget which outlet you work with.
Mr. Palladino: Thank you.
Question: Gustau Alegret. Could you give us some more details about the
agreement with the International Red Cross in order to prevent that this
humanitarian aid is not going to end up in the Maduro regime hands and
they are going to politicize the help?
Mr. Abrams: I canít, and the announcements that were made this morning
are fairly brief, and I would have to say youíve got to ask -- as we
will -- Guaido, the Venezuelan Red Cross, and the bishops for more details
about the distribution. Because obviously, we want it to be, we insist
that it be, independent. But the Red Cross has been absolutely insistent
that they would only do this if they had no interference from the
regime. So weíre interested in the details too, but it certainly sounds
promising and itís the first such agreement thatís been reached.
Question: Is there any red line in this subject? I mean, if the U.S. see
the Maduro regime politicizing the help?
Mr. Abrams: Well, I would say we have the same red line that the Red
Cross and the bishops do. Distribution has to be based on need, not
Mr. Palladino: Tejinder, go ahead.
Question: You said that your main purpose is to deny the regime money.
Now, what is going on and what is your take with the oil dealings with
India, especially the -- one of the biggest refineries, the Reliance
refineries, which is supposed to be not only buying the oil but also
supplying the -- Indian and European oils? Like, we have reports that the
ships are now at this moment being loaded in Venezuela.
Mr. Abrams: I would say that we have had contacts with Indian companies
and with the Government of India, and that we have found there to be a
very considerable amount of cooperation, which we are very happy to see.
Iím going to leave it at that.
Mr. Palladino: Washington Post.
Question: I know that you and others in the administration have
repeatedly said that all options are on the table, but Iím wondering,
with the Russian presence there now, do you feel that the United States
is any closer to seriously considering or even exercising a military
Mr. Abrams: Iím going to leave it with the statement that the national
security advisor made and not comment further.
Mr. Palladino: Sure, right there.
Question: Two questions. Thanks. My nameís Alex Hoff of
Ambassador, Maduroís oil minister was in Azerbaijan last week, where he
announced that he is going to divert some of the oil that originally
bound for the U.S. to Russia. Is this something that is bothering you?
And my second Question: I was actually surprised by seeing Maduroís oil
minister in Azerbaijan, which -- where he attended OPEC event. If we
recognize Guaidoís government, first, are we -- what hopes do we have or
what we are doing to (a) prevent Maduroís cronies from traveling abroad,
particularly when itís about international events; and second, maybe we
can secure some mandate or some voice for Guaidoís regime as well.
Mr. Abrams: Well, itís not surprising that there is an increase in oil
trade between Venezuela and Russia, because the first thing really that
the regime did after the imposition of American sanctions on PDVSA was
to turn to the Russians and say, ďRescue us.Ē And we know that oil
shipments from Venezuela to Russia will be on the increase and we know
that shipments of refined products -- the diluents, gasoline -- will also
be on the increase. Thatís predictable given the relationship between
the regime and Russia.
In the international organization area, you know we continue diplomatic
efforts to persuade people and organizations to give the credentials of
Venezuela to the representatives of Interim President Guaido. In some
cases we have already succeeded, like the Inter-American Development
Bank; in others, weíre working on it, and we have a good-sized campaign
to persuade governments first to recognize Juan Guaido; second, to then
carry through with the implications of that recognition when it comes to
diplomatic missions in their own capital and when it comes to the way
they vote in international organizations.
That will be developing. Thatís something weíre doing. We do it every
week, and as meetings happen, you will see, I think, that we will have
more successes of the sort we had in Chengdu.
Question: And the number of countries that recognize Guaido government
is it still 54?
Mr. Abrams: Yes, yes.
Mr. Palladino: Go ahead. Reuters.
Question: Hello, Mr. Abrams. I wanted to pick up on my colleague from
AFP who was talking about the way that the U.S. had reached out to trade
-- oil traders and companies and governments. Are you seeing -- are you
doing this because youíre seeing additional leakage coming out of -- are
you seeing Maduro basically pushing more assets out of the country? What
are you -- what is behind this?
Mr. Abrams: Yeah, well --
Question: Because itís not -- it doesnít pertain to the sanctions. I
mean, youíre doing this in addition.
Mr. Abrams: No, itís all -- right. I mean, itís all very
-- I would say
itís very logical. We impose our sanctions. What does the regime do? The
regime tries to figure out other ways to get around them. It tries to
find new customers. It tries to find new sources of imports. So what do
we do? We watch carefully, and we can see ships moving and we can see
new contracts with new companies, and when we do, we talk to shippers or
we talk to refiners or we talk to governments and we say you should not
be doing that. Thatís what weíre doing.
Question: So who are you seeing it with? I mean, how about naming and
shaming a few?
Mr. Abrams: The first thing we do -- itís not going to work maybe in the
case of Russia, but the first thing we do is talk to people. That is, we
donít -- we donít go in and sanctions them or threaten them. What we do
is go in and say, look, here is the situation, here is our policy, and
we would really appreciate your cooperation. And we do say, look, the
sanctions net is wide and you donít want to get caught in it, and we
would appreciate cooperation. And in a very large number of cases, we
Question: So are you -- what Iím -- Iím gathering what youíre saying is
that you are seeing more kind of leakage going on. Where --
Mr. Abrams: No, weíre seeing efforts. Weíre seeing efforts and weíre
trying to shut them off.
Question: Efforts, efforts going to getting assets out.
Mr. Abrams: Yeah.
Question: Right. And youíre saying youíre seeing ships and contracts,
and so is that mainly to do with shipping out oil or is it -- I mean,
clearly not cash.
Mr. Abrams: I mean, the regime is -- again, itís pretty logical. The
regime is trying to do what it can to get its hands on cash, refined
products, other things it needs. And so it -- one of the ways it does
that is go to the Russians and say, how can you help us? But in other
cases there is selling, there is reselling, there are oil traders
involved in this, and we have pretty decent information about this so we
try to follow up and say, donít do that.
Question: So you focused on Russia and China
-- I mean Russia and Cuba.
Mr. Abrams: I focused on -- yeah.
Question: But China has just offered additional help over the last 24
hours. What is its role? It seemed to have pulled back, now it seems to
be kind of spiriting up to help again.
Mr. Abrams: Yeah, Iím -- I will be persuaded of that when we actually see
it. That is, I think the -- my impression has been that the Chinese
concern is essentially to protect the pretty considerable loans and
investments that China has in Venezuela for the future, and has not seen
it as an area of geopolitical challenge to the United States, which
appears to be the way the Russians see it. So weíll see what the Chinese
Mr. Palladino: All right, letís go to the last question. Right there,
Question: Mr. Abrams, Lara Nico from Caracol Colombia. Itís been over
two months since Guaido proclaimed himself the interim president.
Recently, Germany did not accept who he designated as an ambassador. Do
you fear that this subject of the democratic transition in Venezuela may
be losing some momentum internationally?
Mr. Abrams: I really donít. I mean, I donít know how one judges that
scientifically, but how can one judge this? How many people are here
today? There is one way to judge. Column inches -- very old-fashioned, I
know, for today -- but letís say minutes of broadcasts, minutes on the
Mr. Abrams: Concerns -- clicks, thatís a good one. Concerns
that we hear -- how many foreign ambassadors want to come in and talk to
us about Venezuela? I see no diminution of interest. I certainly see no
diminution of interest in the administration -- that is, the concern of
the President, the Vice President, the national security advisor.
Certainly, Secretary Pompeo spends a good deal of time on this, and did
up on the Hill. I see no diminution of interest in the American
So as I look around the country and around the world, I donít see it. I
donít see any lessening of interest and concern. And one reason for
that, I think, is the situation of Venezuela is dire. We have seen this
worsen because of the blackouts. Every report -- now we have a new UN
report apparently -- every report is filled with just horrible statistics
about the suffering of Venezuelan people. So it would be wrong to turn
away from this because the effort that weíre making here really is on
behalf of the Venezuelan people, who deserve better and who are
struggling to return their country to prosperity and democracy.